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LaMalfa

Prop 50 Redistricting Battle Puts Doug LaMalfa and California’s First Congressional District in the Spotlight

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Inside a crowded banquet hall in northern California in early August, a rare event unfolded: Rep. Doug LaMalfa appeared at his first Chico town hall in eight years. The Republican, a rice farmer and seven-term member of Congress, found himself confronting a room full of constituents angry over immigration raids, tariffs, Medicaid and Medicare cuts, and the impending closure of rural hospitals.

As he spoke about “waste and fraud” in government programs, shouts grew louder. One person called for his resignation. Another yelled, “No fascism in America.” The tense scene reflected not only local frustrations but also the national stakes hanging over California’s First Congressional District.

Days later, Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled a plan to put Proposition 50 before voters in a November special election. The proposal would redraw California’s congressional map to add five Democratic seats to the U.S. House. For LaMalfa, who has reliably won reelection since 2013, Prop 50 could reshape his district and potentially end his tenure.

Story Highlights

  • Proposition 50: November special election to redraw California’s congressional map and create five Democratic seats.

  • Doug LaMalfa at Risk: Republican representative of California’s First Congressional District could lose his seat under the new map.

  • Town Hall Uproar: Constituents voice anger over immigration raids, tariffs, health care cuts, and rural hospital closures.

  • National Impact: Prop 50 seen as a key battle in the fight for control of the U.S. House.

  • Redistricting Debate: Democrats say Prop 50 counters Texas gerrymandering; Republicans call it unfair mid-decade redistricting.

Rural District Under Strain

California’s First Congressional District stretches from the almond and rice fields of the Sacramento Valley to the fire-scarred Sierra Nevada and Cascade foothills. Once a Democratic stronghold, it has voted Republican since the 1980s. Former President Donald Trump carried the district in 2016 and 2024 with 61% of the vote.

Butte County, where LaMalfa lives, straddles two political cultures. Chico, a university town, leans liberal, while surrounding agricultural areas are solidly conservative. Wildfires have deepened local crises: the 2018 Camp Fire destroyed Paradise, the 2020 North Complex Fire wiped out Berry Creek, and last year’s Park Fire ranked among the largest in state history.

A High-Stakes Redistricting Battle

Democrats and Republicans are scrambling to mobilize before the November vote on Prop 50. Audrey Denney, a Democrat who came within 9.5% of unseating LaMalfa in 2018, said she will run again if the proposition passes.

“I love the new district,” Denney said. “It combines the two college towns on each end, Santa Rosa and Chico. Both have been historically devastated by wildfires, both surrounded by agriculture.”

She argued Prop 50 is necessary “in this moment of time that we’re living in, with the scope and the scale of the threat that we’re up against.”

Republicans frame Prop 50 as an existential threat.

“We already only have nine seats throughout the entire state of California on the Republican side and we could go down to four seats if 50 passes,” said Teri DuBose, chair of the Butte County Republican Party and a LaMalfa staffer. “The voters should be picking their representatives, not the representatives picking their constituents.”

LaMalfa’s Record and Response

LaMalfa has represented California’s First Congressional District since 2013. In a recent interview with the Chico Enterprise-Record, he cited his staff’s work helping constituents with Social Security, Medicaid and Veterans Affairs as his proudest accomplishments.

“It’s defending these folks and giving them a level of hope that somebody is actually listening to them,” he said.

Critics argue he mirrors Trump “line by line” on policy. Denney accused him of introducing “anti-LGBTQ, anti-public health” legislation that “harms our communities.”

LaMalfa did not agree to a new interview, but his communications director Paige Boogaard issued a statement:

“Congressman LaMalfa purposefully chose highly contentious areas of his district so that they feel heard. Their reactions were completely expected,” she said. “Raucous town halls in Chico do not change the fact that District 1 and Northern California remain overwhelmingly conservative and overwhelmingly supportive of both Congressman LaMalfa’s and the President’s policies.”

Health Care and Rural Concerns

The district’s rural identity shapes its politics. Water rights, wildfires, housing and homelessness are dominant issues. Glenn Medical Center will soon close its emergency room, leaving Glenn County without a hospital after the federal government revoked its “critical access” designation. LaMalfa’s office says he continues to work on rural health care.

The National Stakes

The special election could cost up to $282 million. Under the proposed map, Butte County would merge with counties farther west and south, including Sonoma. Democrats nationwide see Prop 50 as a path to retake the House and block Trump’s agenda.

Bob Mulholland, a veteran Democratic strategist in Butte County, said: “Governor Newsom doing Prop 50 has got Democrats all across America saying to themselves: ‘Hey, we got a chance to retake the House to defeat Trump.’”

Republican activists counter that Prop 50 is a costly power grab. DuBose noted frustration that the state is spending heavily on the special election while other voter-approved measures remain underfunded.

Grassroots Mobilization on Both Sides

Local chapters of both parties are racing to rally voters. In Denney’s Chico home, thousands of pro-Prop 50 flyers sit ready for distribution. South in Yuba County, Republican chair Johanna Lassaga has purchased 10,000 yard signs to oppose the measure.

Even in the farmlands of Glenn County, Lee McCorkle, the local Republican chair, has been posting signs. “Doug, he’s a conservative guy, he’s a rice farmer, he spends a lot of time to be a congressman,” McCorkle said. “It’s a heck of a job. I wouldn’t want it.”

Denney, who chairs the Democratic Action Club of Chico, has been traveling across the district to speak with voters. “Even up to a month ago, I had zero belief that anything would ever change,” she said. “It’s gonna have a different ending this time.”

Whether Prop 50 passes or fails, California’s First Congressional District has become a frontline in the fight over redistricting, representation, and the balance of power in the U.S. House.

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California Redistricting Chaos: Common Cause Goes Neutral, Stirring Political Fire

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California Republicans have reassembled much of the coalition that helped bring independent redistricting lines to the state more than a decade ago, now aiming to challenge Gov. Gavin Newsom’s mid-decade redistricting plan. Yet one key change stands out: historically influential good-government groups, including California Common Cause and the League of Women Voters, have stepped back from opposing the proposal. Their neutrality has sent ripples through the political and civic landscape, raising questions about the influence of partisanship and internal pressures on watchdog organizations.

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • Republicans in California challenge Gov. Newsom’s mid-decade redistricting plan.

  • Good-government organizations, including California Common Cause and the League of Women Voters, have opted for neutrality.

  • Common Cause returned $200,000 from Charles Munger Jr., citing misleading mailers.

  • The neutrality reduces political pressure on Gov. Newsom and affects broader Democratic redistricting strategies.

  • Internal disagreements within Common Cause led to advisory board resignations over minority representation and fairness concerns.

  • Observers warn that the shift reflects growing polarization and pressures on historically independent watchdog organizations.

Until recently, California Common Cause was reportedly preparing a campaign to fight the snap gerrymander. Internal records and interviews suggest the group was actively strategizing to counter the redistricting plan and align with supporters of independent district mapping.

However, the national leadership of Common Cause ultimately approved Gov. Newsom’s plan, prompting multiple board members to resign. The move highlights the growing tension between the organization’s long-standing opposition to gerrymandering and its concern for broader democratic stability in a politically polarized era.

In an early August email to Charles Munger Jr., a wealthy philanthropist who has championed governance reforms, California Common Cause Executive Director Darius Kemp wrote:

“I am excited to work with you on this fight,”

and outlined strategies to combat both California’s Democratic-led redistricting and a GOP-led effort in Texas. He also detailed plans for a “full-scale campaign to defeat a gerrymandering ballot initiative.”

Such a campaign would have been consistent with the organization’s history. Common Cause spent years advocating for independent redistricting and had partnered with Munger to pass Proposition 20, a voter-backed initiative establishing independent oversight of district mapping.

Instead, that partnership dissolved. Common Cause returned a $200,000 donation from Munger, accusing his campaign of misleading voters into believing the organization supported his effort against California’s redistricting. A notice on the group’s website reads:

“Common Cause is not for sale.”

Munger expressed disappointment in a statement, noting:

“It is unfortunate both organizations reversed course. I am disappointed that both have (so far) been silenced in this campaign, and hope that in the future each will return to the principles on which they were founded.”

By stepping aside, Common Cause and the League of Women Voters removed a major source of scrutiny for Gov. Newsom. Newsom’s office emphasized that Common Cause dropping opposition signaled that “even watchdogs see the game Trump is playing.”

The neutrality also sparked a broader political ripple. Other Democratic leaders, including Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and New York Gov. Kathy Hochul, began considering similar redistricting strategies. Even former President Barack Obama followed suit, calling Newsom’s plan “a responsible approach” to California redistricting.

Internally, Common Cause faced intense debate. Staff circulated analyses raising concerns that California’s plan could split minority communities, lacked sufficient public input, and did not explicitly prevent future mid-decade redistricting. Yet the national leadership ultimately deemed the plan fair, prompting advisory board resignations.

Meanwhile, the League of Women Voters also faced pressure, including from Newsom’s former chief of staff, Jim DeBoo, who cautioned:

“Your brand is not to be used against your wishes. The greater dangers arise if Trump prevails.”

The League subsequently announced it would take no position, aligning with national and state chapters and warning against strategies that emulate authoritarian tactics.

Observers are watching these developments closely. Former State Sen. Sam Blakeslee, who served on the California Common Cause board, said in an interview:

“Common Cause’s pivot suggests it was co-opted by a political machine. Even groups historically able to withstand partisan pressures are now buckling. If the center cannot hold, there’s little hope to find our way back.”

The controversy underscores the challenges facing good-government organizations in a highly polarized political environment, especially as California redistricting remains a flashpoint in U.S. democracy.

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Proposition 50 Showdown: California Strikes Back Against Texas Gerrymandering

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Californians are stepping into one of the most consequential political battles in years — the debate over Proposition 50. At the center is the state’s congressional map and whether California should take extraordinary action to counter Texas’s mid-cycle redistricting plan, which is projected to hand Republicans five additional U.S. House seats.

What would normally be a low-profile special election has quickly escalated into a national flashpoint. Governor Gavin Newsom (D) signed the legislation authorizing the November vote on Prop 50 just two weeks ago. Since then, mailers, campaign ads, and digital spots — mostly in opposition — have already started flooding the public space.

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • Proposition 50 heads to California’s November ballot, testing voters on whether to suspend independent redistricting until 2030.

  • Texas redistricting plan projected to add five Republican House seats, drawing national concern.

  • Gerrymandering debate reignites as critics warn of anti-democratic practices.

  • 2029 presidential certification seen as the larger political battleground.

  • Democratic self-defense vs. partisan retaliation remains the core argument around Prop 50.

A Redistricting Battle With National Stakes

The fight over congressional maps is not new. The modern era of partisan gerrymandering took shape with the launch of Project REDMAP in 2010, a Republican-led initiative to capture state legislatures and redraw districts in their favor.

The results spoke for themselves. By 2012, Republicans won a 33-seat margin in the House of Representatives, despite receiving only 49 percent of the national vote.

That playbook, critics say, is now being used again. Texas lawmakers recently pushed through new congressional lines to benefit Republicans and strengthen Donald Trump’s position heading into future elections.

Trump himself was blunt:

“We are entitled to five more seats,” he declared.

But opponents argue that in a functioning democracy, no one is “entitled” to political power. Representation, they emphasize, must be earned at the ballot box, not engineered through district maps.

What Makes Proposition 50 Different?

The California Proposition 50 campaign frames the issue in stark terms: Texas Republicans changed their map through hardball tactics, even threatening Democratic lawmakers to force the plan through. California, by contrast, is asking voters directly whether the state should temporarily suspend its independent redistricting commission until 2030 to counterbalance Texas’s move.

Supporters describe Prop 50 as “democratic self-defense,” not partisan retaliation. They argue that ignoring Texas’s actions would amount to unilateral disarmament.

As one advocate put it:

“You cannot look the other way while condemning gerrymandering in theory. Either you defend democracy or you surrender it.”

Opponents, however, see it differently. They warn that any suspension of independent redistricting risks undermining California’s reputation for fair maps. They call it a dangerous precedent that could erode public trust, regardless of intentions.

Beyond Maps: The 2029 Presidential Question

The stakes go well beyond congressional representation. Control of the House in 2026 could determine the outcome of the 2029 presidential certification process, when electoral votes are formally counted.

The concern among Democrats is that Republicans, led by JD Vance in the Senate, could attempt to contest or manipulate the vote count if they control the chamber. Ensuring Democratic control of the House, supporters say, is the best safeguard for a peaceful transition of power.

A Referendum on Democracy Itself

For many political observers, Proposition 50 has grown into more than a California ballot measure. It is increasingly seen as a national referendum on democracy, redistricting, and how far states should go to defend fair representation.

Some Democrats are calling for Governor Newsom to challenge Trump to a debate on Prop 50. While Trump is unlikely to accept, the idea reflects how far the issue has moved beyond California’s borders. Others suggest pairing national figures in a televised debate — such as Liz Cheney against Kevin McCarthy, a leading opponent of the measure.

Supporters argue that this fight could energize voters across the country who are frustrated with gerrymandering and seeking a concrete way to push back.

As one strategist noted:

“Enough protests. Enough hand-wringing. This is the fight people are ready to have.”

On November 4, Californians will not just decide the fate of Proposition 50. They will be casting a vote that could shape the balance of power in Congress, influence the 2029 presidential certification, and set the tone for America’s broader struggle over democracy.

The outcome will resonate far beyond the state’s borders.

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